Belgrade’s voices of protest
Having decided to protest until the bitter end, the students of Serbia have received the support of both the police union and the military – "Against dictatorship", against nepotism and corruption
โWe’re not going to stay seated any more, the time has come to stand up! That’s what the chair meansโ. With an earnest demeanour and a combative tone, nineteen year-old Gabriel (a pseudonym) explains why he has decided to protest with a chair on his shoulders. Around him, thousands of students, young workers and citizens of all ages have taken to the streets to protest โagainst the dictatorshipโ of Aleksandar Vuฤiฤ -the Serbian prime minister and now also president-elect, following his victory in the presidential election on April 2nd.
For Gabriel, newly graduated from a Belgrade high school, this is his first anti-government march, and the same could probably be said for many of those present. For more than a week, in fact, Serbia has been shaken by unprecedented protests organised by student groups from various cities, culminating on Saturday April 8th in an enormous march on Belgrade, supported by the police union and the military, involving tens of thousands of people.
โWe’ve come from Novi Sad just for this. It’s the first time there have been such huge protests and it’s important to take partโ, says Lazar, a young and currently unemployed law graduate. โThe situation in Serbia now is very serious, people are manipulated by state-controlled television and newspapers, and few get their information from the internetโ, he continues, denouncing a slide โthat has lasted for fifteen, twenty years, from the days of Miloลกeviฤโ and concluding that โwe should have been protesting much earlier, but better late than neverโ.
Lazar isn’t the only one to make the comparison between Vuฤiฤ, in power since 2012, and Slobodan Miloลกeviฤ, strong man of Belgrade for the duration of the nineties. Miloลก and Nikola, two young Belgrade-residents, note that there’s a continuity between the two Serbian politicians. โVuฤiฤ was a minister back in the Miloลกeviฤ days and now he’s a Machiavellian politician who knows how to adapt to the current climateโ, claims Nikola, a PhD student in music. His friend Miloลก, an artist based in the capital, nods in agreement.
Corruption, nepotism and low salaries
But the control of the media (with the notable exception of Danas, brandished like a flag by protestors) and authoritarianism of the prime-minister-president aren’t the only things that have brought the protesters to the streets. Corruption, nepotism and, more generally, poor quality of life are brought up again and again.
โI’m here for the future of my kidsโ, says a middle-aged protester, who prefers to remain anonymous. โI work as a manager in a hotel, but I earn just twenty thousand dinars a month, little more than 150 euro. How can I take care of my kids with that?โ He goes on to say that Aleksandar Vuฤiฤ was nothing less than โa dictatorโ.
Complaints of the economic sort are also the main reason for the mobilisation of the police union and military, which announced last Saturday that they would support the students. Denouncing low salaries and โthe disastrous condition of the security forcesโ, the representatives of the two unions have also released a political message. โThe time when politicians use the army and police against the people is overโ, said Veljko Mijailoviฤ, the highly praised leader of the police union.
The diversity of opposition to Vuฤiฤ is also expressed in the slogans and banners of the protesters. They sing โBandiera Rossaโ and shout โNo pasaran!โ, but among the banners of the unions and those of โNe Da(vi)mo Beogradโ there’s also a flag with the Russian eagle.
What democracy?
For the moment, however, the opposition to Vuฤiฤ bonds these diverse and discontented groups together. โEven if we don’t all have the same political opinions or ideologies, we’re all opposed to something very harmful to our countryโ, says Mima, a marketing student in Belgrade. This โsomethingโ is โthe lack of democracyโ and โthe fact that the presidential election was stolenโ, she argues.
At her side, another student confirms this last point, pointing out that โeight hundred thousand dead people are in the electoral registerโ. โImagine – the oldest registered voter was 125 years old! One could say that in Serbian elections the dead rise from the grave!โ
Abused by the pro-government press, who call them โdrunkโ and โdrug-addledโ, these young protesters can nevertheless count on the support of those who protested in the past against Miloลกeviฤ. That’s the case with Mima, whose parents โsupported the protests in 1996-1997 and on the 5th of October 2000โ and โnow feel both nostalgic and hopefulโ.
This inter-generational connection, which many of the protesters would like to see as the continuation of an โunfinishedโ battle against the Miloลกeviฤ regime, was also displayed in a scene that unfolded on Saturday on Admiral Geprat Street, when tens of thousands were crossing the centre of Belgrade. From the open window of an apartment building an old woman held a portrait of Zoran ฤinฤiฤ, the Serbian prime minister and opponent of Miloลกeviฤ who was assassinated in 2003 in front of the parliament in Belgrade. As applause broke out and stalled the march, young protesters hurried to take photographs of the woman.
The image, shared widely on social networks, has become a symbol of the protests protiv diktature, โagainst dictatorshipโ which – the students claim – will continue until the bitter end.
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14/12/2004, Risto Karajkov